Declaration: the article is solely the author’s own experience and views on Houthis.
Who are the Houthis and What do they want? In this series of three articles on Houthis, I will use this first article to explain who are the Houthis and What do they want?
To accurately understand the Houthi armed group, it's crucial to distinguish between various terms commonly used to describe it. While outsiders often rely on media portrayals, Yemenis, particularly the locals like me, have a more nuanced perspective shaped by direct experience. Clarifying the distinctions between the Houthi family, leadership, and the broader movement is essential for a comprehensive view on who are the Houthis and what do they want?
Hashemites Clan
The very essential factor I noticed missing on understanding Houthis is the connection between the Hashemites clan and Houthis in Yemen. The Houthi movement has its roots in the Hashemite clan, descendants of the Prophet Muhammad, originally from Mecca, currently Saudia Arabiya. There is a long history of Hashemites in Yemen beginning with when they fled Iran, Iraq and Arabian Peninsula seeking refuge and protection in Yemen around a millennium ago. Their brutal history of how they managed to change their status from refugees seeking the protection of Yemenis when they were under persecution of Islamic Caliphate in Iraq centuries ago to intermittent rulers (Islamic Imamate) in Yemen.
The Hashemite dynasty has had a complex and often contentious relationship with the Yemeni people. They successfully cultivated a religious and political authority among certain Yemeni tribes, particularly in the far north of Yemen, including the currently southern part of Saudi Arabia. This influence allowed them to rule intermittently over these regions. Sometimes, their reigns usually last between few years to decades rather than a century. However, their governance was characterized by oppressive policies, including violent crackdown, mass killings, heavy taxation and the use of tribal hostages to maintain control. These actions ultimately led to uprisings and their eventual overthrow at multiple times. Therefore, the Hashemites sought refuge in Yemen centuries ago and subsequently established periods of rule, marked by periods of rule and opposition.
The legacy of Hashemite rule continues to shape Yemeni politics and society, this time in the form of regional and global theological movement (Houthis), contributing to a cycle of conflict and instability, not only in Yemen but in the region threatening the international order. Hussain Bader Aldeen Al-Houthi, the extremist that founded the Houthis, is a revivalist of the Hashemite clan claim to rule the Islamic world including Yemen. The name “Houthis,” is driven from his last name “Al-Houthi.” The story short, the Houthi movement, found by Hussein Bader Aldeen Al-Houthi and currently led by his youngest brother Abdulmalik al-Houthi, aims to restore a form of Islamic governance reminiscent of the past in Islamic world. In order to achieve this, Hashemites led by Al-Houthi family seek to again restore the Hashemite theological rule in Yemen to engulf the whole Arabian Peninsula, meaning the disposal of Saudi Royal Family and its regime in Saudia Arabiya. This is what I grew up to believing since childhood.
The Houthis’ Leadership
While a detailed historical analysis of Hashemites is beyond the scope of this article, it's essential to note the significant presence of individuals with Hashemite lineage within the Houthis’ leadership. This familial connection has influenced the movement's structure and dynamics. A significant portion of the Houthis’ leadership is comprised of individuals with Hashemite lineage or familial ties. These leaders are loyal to Abdulmalik Al-Houthi and strongly adhere to the belief in Hashemite divine right to rule the whole Muslims world, particularly Saudi Arabia and Palestine. This is probably one of the reasons why the Saudis royal family perceives Yemen, particularly under Houthis’ rule, as a significant existential threat.
As someone who lived within the Houthi-controlled areas in Yemen, my perspective on the Houthis which I share with the majority in Yemen is different. When we observe the Houthi armed group, it's evident that their military, security, political, and social leadership is predominantly composed of Hashemites. Among the leadership, if we find any non-Hashemite Yemenis, they often have familial ties to the al-Houthi family. If you were to question a Houthi leader about why the leadership is almost exclusively Hashemite, the typical response would be that non-Hashemite Yemenis cannot be trusted. This rationale seems logical to them, as no Yemeni leader would willingly support the concentration of power and authority within a single ethnic group or clan, especially in a country that is supposed to be a republic and a democracy. As a result, most Yemenis view the Hashemite-dominated Houthi leadership as an ethnosupremacist group. This perspective is reinforced when considering history, where Hashemites have, in the past, recruited Yemenis to conquer and slave their fellow countrymen, women and children.
Houthis
In Yemen, the term "Houthis" or "a Houthi" refers to anyone who is part of, affiliated with, or supportive of the Houthis' leadership and its political ideology. The group is composed of both Hashemite and non-Hashemite Yemenis. However, the leadership and decision-making ranks within the Houthis are predominantly Hashemites, while non-Hashemite Yemenis typically hold lower-level positions. The Houthis’ military, security, and intelligence apparatus are largely staffed by non-Hashemite Yemenis who have been heavily indoctrinated. The group is diverse, representing a cross-section of Yemeni society, but the key requirement for joining is a shared belief in the group's political and religious ideology, particularly the belief in the divine right of the Hashemites and unwavering loyalty to the supreme leader, Abdulmalik al-Houthi.
In general, the Houthis are a traditionalist and extremist religious group that openly opposes Western values and norms. They are staunchly anti-Judaism, anti-Christianity, anti-Atheism, anti-Agnosticism (infidels), and vehemently against modernity. The Houthis take pride in their culture and religion, pledging to restore regional and international respect for Islam, Arabs, and Muslims, particularly Yemenis and Yemen. They despise Western-style or formal suit dressing and actively discourage Yemenis from adopting such attire. Instead, they adhere strictly to traditional Yemeni dress, complete with the Yemeni dagger (jambiya). Even in official workplaces, such as government offices in Sana’a, Houthi government officials are typically seen wearing traditional Yemeni clothing, often accompanied by a dagger and sometimes a firearm. In a subtle form of resistance, many Yemenis deliberately choose to wear formal Western-style clothing to remind the Houthis of their quiet opposition to their theological and authoritarian rule.
Houthis political and Religious Ideology
Despite the tragic experiences I endured—forced disappearance, torture, violence, and coming close to death, while sadly some of my friends and cousins were not as fortunate and died under torture after being abducted by the Houthis—I find it difficult to question the loyalty and love the Houthis have for Yemen. Particularly, the non-Hashemite Houthis who, despite being brainwashed, genuinely believe they are fighting for the glory of Yemen and its people. Their sincerity stands in stark contrast to the corruption and self-interests seen among Yemenis in the internationally recognized government.
What do the Houthis want? To understand what the Houthis want, the question needs to be reframed to consider the distinct goals of the different factions within the group: the military, security, intelligence, political, social, and religious factions, as well as the supreme leader, Abdulmalik Al-Houthi. While these factions may have varying visions for the future of Yemen, the region and the global order in large, they are united by a shared political and religious ideology that guides their collective actions. Each faction's specific objectives contribute to the group's broader strategy, but their common ideological foundation ensures a unified front. Houthis unconditionally are united on their core objectives:
· Transforming Yemen into an Islamic Republic: Houthis seek to end the Republic of Yemen and establish a theological Islamic state governed by a Hashemite ruler as a supreme leader, currently Abdulmalik Al-Houthi. This is something they are learning and receiving support from Iranian regime to achieve it.
· Eliminating Western Influence: The Houthis aim to eradicate what they view as Western indoctrination and corruption in Yemen —democracy, civil rights, human rights, liberalism, and secularism. They believe in giving people only what is prescribed in the Quran and by Prophet Muhammad’s lineage (the Hashemites).
· Enforcing Conformity: Unlike other Arab nations, Yemenis are known for being outspoken, partly due to the country's republican and democratic past. The Houthis' political ideology demands the existence of one people, one mindset, one leader, and one goal, which necessitates the silencing of opposing views and the elimination of dissenters. To achieve this objective, Houthis attempt to raise a generation of Yemenis who are hardened and unyielding. The Houthis believe they must cultivate individuals who have known nothing but struggle and hardship from birth. This generation, unlike their predecessors who may have had a taste of peace and comfort, will not be afraid of wars or hold onto life with the same fervor. Instead, they will be shaped by constant warfare, which the Houthis see as essential to forging unwavering loyalty and building a formidable army. By raising this new generation in an environment of perpetual conflict, the Houthis aim to create a force of fighters who are tough, resilient, and dedicated to their cause, unburdened by the distractions of a comfortable life.
· Divine Right: In the short term, the Houthis’ leadership, with its Hashemite lineage, harbors ambitions of restoring the former glory of the Hashemite dynasty, which historically included dominion over regions now part of Saudi Arabia. But, in the long term, the Hashemites consider the House of Saud as illegitimate regime of Najd, Hejaz and northern party of historical Yemen ‘Aseer,’ currently make up the kingdom of Saudia Arabiya. This ideological underpinning fuels the conflict and poses a long-term challenge to Saudi Arabian security and the region at large.
· Last but not least, end US military presence and hegemony over Islamic World: Houthis main promises and objectives are to expel the United States from the Middle East, destroy Israel, and institute a worldwide Islamic Caliphate with Jerusalem at its core. This sounds unpractical and impossible to achieve, yet Houthis have delivered and continue to deliver on their promises.
If the USA and Western states, God forbid, ignore or allow the Houthis to establish control over Yemen, the consequences could be profound and far-reaching. The Houthis could potentially reshape the region by orchestrating regime changes across the Arab world, ending the USA and Western military presence in the Middle East, and pursuing the removal of Israel while restoring Palestine from the river to the sea. In my discussions with middle and lower-level Houthi leaders, I have frequently asked how they plan to achieve these goals. They have a clear and strategic plan, driven by doctrine and expert consultation. Unlike many Arab regimes, the Houthis are methodical and do not act on impulse. Even Abdulmalik Al-Houthi, as the supreme leader, does not make decisions unilaterally; he rules through consensus with his political, social, religious, military, security, and intelligence advisors. This approach sets the Houthis apart from other Arab rulers, who often act based on personal authority or the urges of their leaders.
The Houthi leadership is shrewd and deliberate, always having contingency plans in place. They are indeed formidable, but they are also making internal mistakes that could be exploited by their enemies to mobilize public opposition and incite a revolution against them. Currently, these mistakes are overlooked by Yemenis due to the ongoing war with external forces. However, it’s crucial to remember that the Houthis will likely remain in a constant state of war until they fully consolidate power in Yemen and the region. They are pragmatic and responsive to public discontent, and their greatest fear is not the USA or the Saudi-led coalition, but the possibility of a mass mobilization and revolution by the Yemeni people. They understand that if such a movement were to gain momentum, even their thousands or millions of soldiers might turn against them in the face of widespread peaceful protests in Yemen.
In conclusion, the Houthi movement seeks to establish a theocratic state, drawing inspiration from historical Islamic governance models. The movement also harbors territorial ambitions, aiming to expand its influence beyond Yemen.