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From Colombia to the Gulf: Latin America’s New Middle East Moment

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From Colombia to the Gulf: Latin America’s New Middle East Moment

From Colombia to the Gulf: Latin America’s New Middle East Moment

The geopolitical landscape is changing rapidly, and these changes are creating new connections between regions that were once considered geographically distant from one another. Latin America and the Middle East are increasingly interacting not only through trade and investment, but also through diplomacy, energy, security and broader geopolitical issues.

Against the backdrop of conflicts in the Middle East, changing global alliances and growing interest in South–South cooperation, Tural Akhundov, Research Fellow at CRESCENT Research Center asks Dr. Oscar Palma, Assoc. Professor at Universidad del Rosario (Colombia) what these developments mean for Latin America’s engagement with the Middle East and for the future of LATAM–MENA relations.

Tural Akhundov: According to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Colombia, the Latin American republic has just severed diplomatic relations with Iran, citing national and hemispheric security concerns, alleged links to transnational terrorist and narcoterrorist groups, Iran’s regional actions, the Strait of Hormuz, and concerns over its nuclear program. What does this decision tell us about the changing geopolitical orientation of Colombia toward the Middle East?

Dr. Oscar Palma: In general terms, the Middle East region has never been a high priority in Colombia’s Foreign Policy, which has always prioritized the United States, North America, and Europe. Over the last couple of decades, there has also been growing interest in the Asia-Pacific region. With the emergence of several Gulf states as important energy and technology hubs, Colombia’s interest in the region has increased considerably, strengthening ties with some of these governments, including Qatar and the UAE. However, relations with Israel had always been relevant, especially in the defense and security sector, as Israel has been a provider of services and equipment for operations, security, and intelligence. Relations deteriorated during the presidency of Gustavo Petro, who adopted a strong alignment with the Palestinian cause, while severing diplomatic relations with Israel, and widely criticizing the Israeli government’s actions.

The new government flipped the situation entirely, aligning strongly with the United States and Israel, under President Abelardo de la Espriella, who has a personal and ideological affinity with Donald Trump. The United States will be highly relevant to achieving national objectives regarding the fight against criminal networks in Colombia. The White House has already announced USD 1 billion in aid, while Israel’s support could also be relevant to strengthening the capacity of Colombia’s security forces in areas such as intelligence, data systems, and drone warfare.

Colombia had maintained diplomatic relations with Iran for 50 years, but the new government is willing to set this relationship aside in order to align more closely with Washington and Tel Aviv. In fact, de la Espriella has demonstrated a willingness to go even further than some other Israel’s allies, declaring his recognition of the Golan Heights as Israeli territory and announcing plans to move Colombia’s embassy to Jerusalem. Similarly, his government has withdrawn Colombia’s recognition of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic.

This line is likely to guide Colombia’s new foreign policy towards the Middle East. It is likely to be a period of closeness with Israel, while the trajectory of other relationships will depend on how this develops. In 2018, Colombia recognized the State of Palestine, relatively late compared with other Latin American countries, and this recognition is likely to remain in place. However, it is doubtful that the new government will speak openly about the support of the Palestinian cause, which is an evident contrast with the previous administration. In fact, Colombia has already withdrawn its support to the case on genocide against Netanyahu presented by South Africa at the International Court of Justice.

Tural Akhundov: For years, Latin America and the Middle East were often treated as geographically distant regions with limited strategic interaction. Today, however, we see growing political, economic and diplomatic engagement, particularly between Latin America and the Gulf states. What are the main drivers behind this emerging LATAM–MENA relationship, and what opportunities are both regions looking for in each other?

Dr. Oscar Palma: There is indeed a growing interest on both sides in strengthening relations between Latin America and the Middle East and North Africa, driven by a combination of geopolitical, economic and diplomatic factors. However, this should not be understood as a single, region-wide strategy on the part of Latin America. The issues, priorities and partners involved vary considerably from country to country. For some Latin American states, particularly those with significant agricultural and energy sectors, these relationships are primarily driven by trade, investment, food and energy security. For others, diplomatic and geopolitical considerations are more prominent, including relations with Israel and Palestine, Iran, the Gulf states and broader cooperation within multilateral institutions. Venezuela and Cuba, for example, are closer to Iran as they share the idea of challenging a world order centered on the US and Western power, whereas right-wing governments in several countries like Colombia, Chile, Argentina, and Peru, are more inclined toward the US-Israel partnership. The Gulf countries, meanwhile, have increasingly looked toward Latin America as a source of food, energy, and investment opportunities, as well as a region in which to expand their diplomatic and economic presence.

The opportunities, therefore, are complementary but differentiated. Latin American countries can benefit from access to Gulf capital, markets, investment and technological expertise, particularly in areas such as infrastructure, energy, water management, agriculture and digital technologies. Gulf states, for their part, can diversify their economic partnerships, strengthen food and energy supply chains, invest in new markets and expand their diplomatic networks beyond their traditional partners in Europe, North America and Asia.

Tural Akhundov: Given today’s geopolitical turbulence, from conflicts in the Middle East to changing U.S. trade and foreign-policy priorities, can LATAM–MENA relations develop into a more strategic South–South partnership? And in practical terms, where do you see the greatest potential: trade, energy, food security, infrastructure, investment, technology, or diplomatic cooperation?

Dr. Oscar Palma: For several countries, including Colombia, North-South cooperation, especially with the United States, will continue to be essential for their national objectives in areas such as security and the fight against transnational organized crime. It is not surprising to see that Trump’s multilateral initiatives like the Shield of the Americas or the Americas Counter Cartel Alliance have 19 members in the region. It is also true that in terms of trade, China has replaced the United States as the main trading partner for major regional economies such as Brazil, Argentina, Chile and Peru.

Over the last decades, however, the importance of South-South and triangular cooperation has increased considerably for Latin America. There are opportunities for cooperation in areas such as climate change, water scarcity, renewable energy, security, agriculture, energy and investment. As an example of the growing relevance of diplomatic ties, Qatar served as the venue for negotiations between the Colombian government and one of the country’s major criminal groups, the Clan del Golfo. At the same time, these relationships should not be reduced to the Gulf. Countries such as Turkiye, Egypt, and Morocco have distinct agendas, as well as established or emerging connections with different Latin American partners.